Luận văn;luận văn thạc sĩ;luận án tiến sĩ;tài liệu; khóa luận tốt nghiệp; báo cáo khoa học;đồ án tốt nghiệp;khoán luận 24052015083137

Forbidden Words217905
Many words and expressions are viewed as ‘taboo’, such as those used to
describe sex, our bodies and their functions, and those used to insult other
people. This book provides a fascinating insight into taboo language and its
role in everyday life. It looks at the ways we use language to be polite or
impolite, politically correct or offensive, depending on whether we are
‘sweet talking’, ‘straight talking’ or being deliberately rude. Using a range
of colourful examples, it shows how we use language playfully and figura-
tively in order to swear, to insult, and also to be politically correct, and what
our motivations are for doing so. It goes on to examine the differences
between institutionalized censorship and the ways individuals censor their
own language. Lively and revealing, Forbidden Words will fascinate anyone
who is interested in how and why we use and avoid taboos in daily
conversation.
K E I T H A L L A N is Reader in Linguistics and Convenor of the Linguistics
Program at Monash University. His research interests focus mainly on
aspects of meaning in language, with a second interest in the history and
philosophy of linguistics. He has published in many books and journals, and
is author of Linguistic Meaning (1986), Euphemism and Dysphemism: Lan-
guage Used as Shield and Weapon (with Kate Burridge, 1991), Natural
Language Semantics (2001) and The Western Classical Tradition in
Linguistics (2007).
K A T E B U R R I D G E is Chair of Linguistics at Monash University. Her main
research interests are on grammatical change in Germanic languages, Penn-
sylvania German, linguistic taboo, and the structure and history of English.
She is a regular presenter of language segments on ABC radio. Her many
published books include Blooming English (Cambridge, 2004) and Weeds in
the Garden of Words (Cambridge, 2005).
Forbidden Words
Taboo and the Censoring of Language
Keith Allan and Kate Burridge
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo
Cambridge University Press
The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK
Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York
www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521819602
© Keith Allan and Kate Burridge 2006
This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provision of
relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place
without the written permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published in print format 2006
ISBN-13 978-0-511-33514-3 eBook (NetLibrary)
ISBN-10 0-511-33514-8 eBook (NetLibrary)
ISBN-13 978-0-521-81960-2 hardback
ISBN-10 0-521-81960-1 hardback
ISBN-13 978-0-521-52564-0 paperback
ISBN-10 0-521-52564-0 paperback
Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of urls
for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication, and does not
guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.
175730
To our spice
Wendy Allen and Ross Weber
Contents
393676
List of figures page viii
Acknowledgements ix
1 Taboos and their origins 1
2 Sweet talking and offensive language 29
3 Bad language? Jargon, slang, swearing and insult 55
4 The language of political correctness 90
5 Linguistic purism and verbal hygiene 112
6 Taboo, naming and addressing 125
7 Sex and bodily effluvia 144
8 Food and smell 175
9 Disease, death and killing 203
10 Taboo, censoring and the human brain 237
Notes 254
References 277
Index 293
vii
Figures
1.1 A woman exposing her vulva, L’église de Ste Radegonde page 8
2.1 Distinguishing X-phemisms 34
2.2 A visual euphemism 38
3.1 Bureaucratese (from Yes, Prime Minister) 63
3.2 Styles in English 75
4.1 Darkie Toothpaste becomes Darlie Toothpaste 103
7.1 Banner headlines from Broadway Brevities, 1931–2 158
9.1 Squatters ‘dispersing’ Australian Aborigines; late
nineteenth century 231
viii
Acknowledgements
351501
We owe gratitude to many people, none more than our superb research
assistant Wendy Allen, who also offered valuable critical comment as the
drafts developed. Many other friends and colleagues were generous with their
help and we express our thanks to Ana Deumert, Andrew Markus, Arnold
Zwicky, Bill Bright, Chen Yang, Hilary Chappell, Humphrey van Polanen
Petel, Jae Song, Jane Faulkner, John Schiller, Jun Yano, Kerry Robinson,
Lesley Lee-Wong, Marieke Brugman, Patrick Durell, Pedro Chamizo, Ross
Weber, Sarah Cutfield, Tim Curnow and William Leap. We also thank
Monash University for a small ARC Grant that paid for our Research Assist-
ant and some incidental expenses.
We are grateful to George Chauncey and Basic Books for permission to
reproduce the Brevities collage as Figure 7.1.
ix
1 Taboos and their origins
This is a book about taboo and the way in which people censor the language
that they speak and write. Taboo is a proscription of behaviour that affects
everyday life. Taboos that we consider in the course of the book include

bodies and their effluvia (sweat, snot, faeces, menstrual fluid, etc.);

the organs and acts of sex, micturition and defecation;

diseases, death and killing (including hunting and fishing);

naming, addressing, touching and viewing persons and sacred beings,
objects and places;

food gathering, preparation and consumption.
Taboos arise out of social constraints on the individual’s behaviour where it
can cause discomfort, harm or injury. People are at metaphysical risk when
dealing with sacred persons, objects and places; they are at physical risk from
powerful earthly persons, dangerous creatures and disease. A person’s soul or
bodily effluvia may put him/her at metaphysical, moral or physical risk, and
may contaminate others; a social act may breach constraints on polite behav-
iour. Infractions of taboos can lead to illness or death, as well as to the lesser
penalties of corporal punishment, incarceration, social ostracism or mere
disapproval. Even an unintended contravention of taboo risks condemnation
and censure; generally, people can and do avoid tabooed behaviour unless
they intend to violate a taboo.
People constantly censor the language they use (we differentiate this from
the institutionalized imposition of censorship). We examine politeness and
impoliteness as they interact with orthophemism (straight talking), euphem-
ism (sweet talking) and dysphemism (speaking offensively). We discuss the
motivations for and definitions of jargon, slang, insult, and polite and impolite
uses of language when naming, addressing and speaking about others, about
our bodies and their functions, nourishment, sexual activities, death and
killing. Political correctness and linguistic prescription are described as
aspects of tabooing behaviour. We show that society’s perception of a ‘dirty’
word’s tainted denotatum (what the word is normally used to refer to)
contaminates the word itself; and we discuss how the saliency of obscenity
1
2 Forbidden Words
and dysphemism makes the description strong language particularly appro-
priate. This is not a triumph of the offensive over the inoffensive, of dysphem-
ism over euphemism, of impoliteness over politeness; in fact the tabooed,
the offensive, the dysphemistic and the impolite only seem more powerful
forces because each of them identifies the marked behaviour. By default we
are polite, euphemistic, orthophemistic and inoffensive; and we censor our
language use to eschew tabooed topics in pursuit of well-being for ourselves
and for others.
Taboo and the consequent censoring of language motivate language change
by promoting the creation of highly inventive and often playful new expres-
sions, or new meanings for old expressions, causing existing vocabulary to be
abandoned. There are basically two ways in which new expressions arise: by a
changed form for the tabooed expression and by figurative language sparked
by perceptions of and conceptions about the denotata (about faeces, menstrual
blood, genitals, death and so on). We have shown elsewhere (e.g. Allan and
Burridge 1991, Allan 2001) that the meanings and forms of some words can
be traced back to several different sources; the paths from these sources
converge and mutually strengthen one another as people seek a figure that
is apt. In these ways taboos and the attendant censoring trigger word addition,
word loss, sound change and semantic shift. They play havoc with the
standard methods of historical linguistics by undermining the supposed arbi-
trary link between the meaning and form of words.
This book offers an interesting perspective on the human psyche, as we
watch human beings react to the world around them by imposing taboos on
behaviour, causing them to censor their language in order to talk about and
around those taboos. Language is used as a shield against malign fate and the
disapprobation of fellow human beings; it is used as a weapon against
enemies and as a release valve when we are angry, frustrated or hurt.
Throughout the book we are struck by the amazing poetic inventiveness of
ordinary people, whose creations occasionally rival Shakespeare.
This first chapter makes a general survey of taboo before we scrutinize the
nature of censorship and distinguish censoring from censorship.
The origins of our word taboo
The English word taboo derives from the Tongan tabu, which came to notice
towards the end of the eighteenth century. According to Radcliffe-Brown:
In the languages of Polynesia the word means simply ‘to forbid’, ‘forbidden’, and can
be applied to any sort of prohibition. A rule of etiquette, an order issued by a chief, an
injunction to children not to meddle with the possessions of their elders, may all be
expressed by the use of the word tabu. (Radcliffe-Brown 1939: 5f )
Taboos and their origins 3
On his first voyage of 1768–71, Captain James Cook was sent to Tahiti to
observe the transit of the planet Venus across the Sun. In his logbook he wrote
of the Tahitians:
the women never upon any account eat with the men, but always by themselves.
What can be the reason of so unusual a custom, ’tis hard to say, especially as they
are a people, in every other instance, fond of Society, and much so of their
Women. They were often Asked the reason, but they never gave no other Answer,
but that they did it because it was right, and Express’d much dislike at the Custom
of Men and Women Eating together of the same Victuals. We have often used all
the intreatys we were Masters of to invite the Women to partake of our Victuals at
our Tables, but there never was an instance of one of them doing it in publick, but
they would Often goe 5 or 6 together into the Servants apartments, and there eat
heartily of whatever they could find, nor were they in the least disturbed if any of
us came in while they were dining; and it hath sometimes hapned that when a
woman was alone in our company she would eat with us, but always took care that
her own people should not know what she had donn, so that whatever may be the
reasons for this custom, it certainly affects their outward manners more than their
Principle. (Cook 1893: 91)
Cook does not name this custom either taboo or by the equivalent Tahitian
term raa. It is in the log of his third voyage, 1776–9, that he first uses the term
tabu in an entry for 15 June 1777 and then again, five days later:
When dinner came on table not one of my guests would sit down or eat a bit of any
thing that was there. Every one was Tabu, a word of very comprehensive meaning but
in general signifies forbidden.1
...
In this walk we met with about half a dozen Women in one place at supper, two of the
Company were fed by the others, on our asking the reason, they said Tabu Mattee. On
further enquiry, found that one of them had, two months before, washed the dead corps
of a Chief, on which account she was not to handle Victuals for five Months, the other
had done the same thing to a nother of inferior rank, and was under the same restriction
but not for so long a time. (Cook 1967: 129, 135)
In the entry for 17 July 1777, Cook wrote:
Taboo as I have before observed is a word of extensive signification; Human Sacrifices
are called Tangata Taboo, and when any thing is forbid to be eaten, or made use of
they say such a thing is Taboo; they say that if the King should happen to go into a
house belonging to a subject, that house would be Taboo and never more be inhabited
by the owner; so that when ever he travels there are houses for his reception. (Cook
1967: 176)
In the journal entry for July 1777, the surgeon on the Resolution, William
Anderson, wrote:
[taboo] is the common expression when any thing is not to be touch’d, unless the
transgressor will risque some very severe punishment as appears from the great
4 Forbidden Words
apprehension they have of approaching any thing prohibited by it. In some cases it
appears to resemble the Levitical law of purification, for we have seen several
women who were not allow’d the use of their hands in eating but were fed by other
people. On enquiring the reason of it at one time they said that one of the women
had wash’d the dead body of the chief already mentioned who died at Tonga, and
another who had assisted was in the same predicament, though then a month after
the circumstance had happen’d. It also serves as a temporary law or edict of their
chiefs, for sometimes certainly articles of food are laid under restriction, and there
are other circumstances regulated in the same manner as trading &c when it is
thought necessary to stop it. (Cook 1967: 948)
Tabooed objects may cease to be tabooed:
I now went and examined several Baskets which had been brought in, a thing I was
not allowed to do before because every thing was then Tabu, but the ceremony being
over they became simply what they really were, viz. empty baskets. (9 July 1777,
Cook 1967: 153)
Cook and Anderson use taboo (or tabu) to describe the behaviour of
Polynesians towards things that were not to be done, entered, seen or
touched. Such taboos are, in some form, almost universal. For instance,
there are food taboos in most societies. These are mostly religion-based:
the vegetarianism of Hindus; the proscription of pork in Islam; the con-
straints on food preparation in Judaism; fasting among Jews at Passover
and Muslims during Ramadan; the proscription of meat on Fridays among
Roman Catholics – to mention just a few examples. Most human groups
proscribe the eating of human flesh unless it is the flesh of a defeated
enemy or, in rare cases, such as among the Aztecs, a religious ritual.
Today, cannibalism is only excused as a survival mechanism as when, after
an air crash in the Andes in 1972, surviving members of the Uruguayan
rugby team ate the dead to stay alive. Assuming with Steiner2 (among
others) that the constraint against Tahitian women eating with men was
regarded as a taboo on such behaviour, it appears comparable to the
constraint against using your fingers instead of cutlery when dining in a
restaurant. It is an example of a taboo on bad manners – one subject to the
social sanction of severe disapproval, rather than putting the violator’s life
in danger, as some taboos do. However, we can look at this taboo in
another way, as the function of a kind of caste system, in which women
are a lower caste than men; this system is not dissimilar to the caste
difference based on race that operated in the south of the United States of
America until the later 1960s, where it was acceptable for an African
American to prepare food for whites, but not to share it at table with them.
This is the same caste system which permitted men to take blacks for
mistresses but not marry them; a system found in colonial Africa and under
the British Raj in India.
Taboos and their origins 5
Fatal taboos
A nineteenth-century view, attributable directly to Wundt’s3 ‘folk psych-
ology’, is a belief attributed to so-called ‘primitive peoples’ that there is a
‘demonic’ power within a tabooed object comparable with the dangerous
power of a Polynesian chief or the Emperor of Japan or Satan himself. The
effect on whomsoever comes into inappropriate – if not downright unlawful –
contact with a tabooed person or thing is severely detrimental to the perpetra-
tor.4 This was the common (but not universal) interpretation of the term taboo
among anthropologists. Mead, for instance, restricts the term taboo ‘to de-
scribe prohibition against participation in any situation of such inherent
danger that the very act of participation will recoil upon the violator of the
taboo’.5 It is as if the tabooed object were like a radioactive fuel rod, which
will have dire effects on anyone who comes into direct contact with it unless
they know how to protect themselves. ‘Cases are on record in which persons
who had unwittingly broken a taboo actually died of terror on discovering
their fatal error’, writes Frazer.6 To violate a taboo can lead to the auto-da-fé
of the perpetrator. In old Hawai‘i, a commoner who had sex with his sister
was put to death. A woman who commits adultery can be stoned to death
under Sharia law in parts of northern Nigeria today. Under Governor George
W. Bush, a convicted murderer was very likely to be executed in the US state
of Texas. According to the Bible, God told Moses, ‘You shall not permit
a sorceress to live’ (Exodus 22: 18); implementing scripture, hundreds of
heretics and witches were burned in Europe when Christianity had more
political power than it does today. Although most taboo violations do not
result in capital punishment, there are plenty of other sanctions on behaviour
prohibited under the law – whether this is law as conceived and promulgated
in a modern nation state, or traditional lore in eighteenth-century Polynesia, or
(under church law) the Spanish Inquisition. That which is illegal is ipso facto
taboo by the very fact that it is prohibited behaviour. But, as we have already
seen, there is more that falls under the heading of taboo.
Uncleanliness taboos
There are taboos in which notions of uncleanliness are the motivating factor.
Many communities taboo physical contact with a menstruating woman,
believing that it pollutes males in particular; some Orthodox New York Jews
will avoid public transport, lest they sit where a menstruating woman has sat.
Many places of worship in this world taboo menstruating women because
they would defile holy sites. The Balinese used to prefer one-storey buildings
so that unclean feet (and worse) would not pass above their heads; they still
avoid walking under washing lines where garments that have been in contact
6 Forbidden Words
with unclean parts of the body might pass over their heads. Many commu-
nities taboo contact with a corpse, such that no one who has touched the
cadaver is permitted to handle food.
Violating taboo and getting away with it
In all these and similar cases, there is an assumption that both accidental
breach and intentional defiance of the taboo will be followed by some kind of
trouble to the offender, such as lack of success in hunting, fishing, or other
business, and the sickness or the death of the offender or one of his/her
relatives. In many communities, a person who meets with an accident or fails
to achieve some goal will infer, as will others, that s/he has in some manner
committed a breach of taboo.
Generally speaking, we do have the power to avoid tabooed behaviour.
When a breach can be ascribed to ‘bad karma’, there remains a suspicion
that the perpetrator is somehow responsible for having sinned in a former
life. Even ascribing a breach to ‘bad luck’ is barely excusable: why is this
person’s luck bad? That question has a negative presupposition. The con-
clusion must be that any violation of taboo, however innocently committed,
risks condemnation.7
Those who violate a taboo can often purify themselves or be purified by
confessing their sin and submitting to a ritual. The OED (Oxford English
Dictionary 1989) quotes from Cook’s Voyage to the Pacific ii. xi (1785)
I. 410: ‘When the taboo is incurred, by paying obeisance to a great personage,
it is thus easily washed off.’ Hobley describes a Kikuyu ritual for legitimizing
and purifying an incestuous relationship:
It sometimes happens, however, that a young man unwittingly marries a cousin; for
instance, if a part of the family moves away to another locality a man might
become acquainted with a girl and marry her before he discovered the relationship.
In such a case the thahu [or ngahu, the result of the violation of the taboo] is
removable, the elders take a sheep and place it on the woman’s shoulders, and it
is then killed, the intestines are taken out and the elders solemnly sever them with
a sharp splinter of wood . . . and they announce that they are cutting the clan
‘kutinyarurira’, by which they mean that they are severing the bond of blood
relationship that exists between the pair. A medicine man then comes and purifies
the couple. (Hobley 1910: 438)
In the Nguni societies of southern Africa who practise hlonipha, under
which it is forbidden for a woman to use her father-in-law’s name or even to
utter words containing the syllables of his name (particularly in his presence),
inadvertent violation of the taboo may be mitigated by spitting on the
ground.8 Christians confess their sins to a priest and are given absolution on
behalf of God.9
Taboos and their origins 7
Exploiting taboo
Taboos are open to beneficial exploitation. A person’s body is, unless s/he is a
slave, sacrosanct. By tradition, a Maori chief’s body is taboo. Once upon a time,
the chief might claim land by saying that the land is his backbone – which
makes invading it taboo. Or he could claim possession by saying things like
Those two canoes are my two thighs.10 The taboos on a chief could be utilized
by their minions: ‘they gave the names of important chiefs to their pet animals
and thus prevented others from killing them’, wrote Steiner.11 Samoans some-
times tabooed their plantation trees by placing certain signs close to them to
warn off thieves.12 One sign indicated that it would induce ulcerous sores; an
afflicted thief could pay off the plantation owner who would supply a (sup-
posed) remedy. Most dire was the death taboo, made by pouring oil into a small
calabash buried near the tree; a mound of white sand marked the taboo, which
was said to be very effective in keeping thieves at bay in old Samoa.
The genital organs of humans are always subject to some sort of taboo; those
of women are usually more strongly tabooed than those of men, partly for
social and economic reasons, but ultimately because they are the source of new
human life. Few women today are aware of the supposed power of the exposed
vulva (commonly referred to as ‘vagina’) to defeat evil. The great Greek-
mythical warrior Bellerophon, who tamed Pegasus and the Amazons and slew
the dragon-like Chimaera, called on Poseidon to inundate Xanthos; he was
defeated by the women of Xanthos raising their skirts, driving back the waves,
and frightening Pegasus. Images of a woman exposing her vulva are found
above doors and gateways in Europe, Indonesia and South America; in many
European countries such figures are also located in medieval castles and,
surprisingly, many churches. They include the Sheela-n-Gig images (from Irish
Sı´le na gCioch or more likely Sı´le in-a giob ‘Sheela on her haunches’), such as
that in Figure 1.1 from L’église de Ste Radegonde, Poitiers, France. The display
of the tabooed body part is a potent means of defeating evil.
One eighteenth-century engraving by Charles Eisen for an edition of the book Fables
by Jean de la Fontaine depicts the ability of an exposed vagina to dispel evil forces
beautifully . . . In this striking image, a young woman stands, confident and unafraid,
confronting the devil. Her left hand rests lightly on a wall, while her right raises her
skirt high, displaying her sexual centre for Satan to see. And in the face of her naked
womanhood, the devil reels back in fear. (Blackledge 2003: 9)
Less serious taboos
Taboo is more than ritual prohibition and avoidance. We have seen that
infractions of taboos can be dangerous to the individual and to his/her society;
they can lead to illness or death. But there are also milder kinds of taboo, the
8 Forbidden Words
Figure 1.1. A woman exposing her vulva, L’église de Ste Radegonde.
violation of which results in the lesser penalties of corporal punishment,
incarceration, social ostracism or mere disapproval. Humans are social beings
and every human being is a member of at least a gender, a family, a generation
and – normally – also friendship, recreational and occupational groups. An
individual’s behaviour is subject to sanction within these groups and by the
larger community. Some groups, for example the family and sports-team
supporters, have unwritten conventions governing behavioural standards;
others, for example local or national government, have written regulations or
laws. Groups with written regulations also have unwritten conventions
governing appropriate behaviour. In all cases, sanctions on behaviour arise
from beliefs supposedly held in common by a consensus of members of the
community or from an authoritative body within the group. Although Freud13
has claimed that ‘Taboo prohibitions have no grounds and are of unknown
Taboos and their origins 9
origin’, it seems obvious to us that taboos normally arise out of social con-
straints on the individual’s behaviour. They arise in cases where the individual’s
acts can cause discomfort, harm or injury to him/herself and to others. The
constraint on behaviour is imposed by someone or some physical or metaphysical
force that the individual believes has authority or power over them – the law, the
gods, the society in which one lives, even proprioceptions (as in the self-imposed
proscription, Chocolates are taboo for me, they give me migraine).
There can be sound reasons for putting specific parts of our lives out of
bounds. Rules against incest seem eminently sensible from an evolutionary point
of view. Communities remain healthier if human waste is kept at arm’s length.
Many food prejudices have a rational origin. Avoidance speech styles help
prevent conflict in relationships that are potentially volatile. Of course, once
the taboo rituals are in place, the motives (sound or otherwise) usually become
obscured. Original meaning gives way to symbolic idiom, although different
stories may later suggest themselves. Take the taboo against spilling salt.
Indispensable to life, vital to the preservation of food and a delicacy in cooking,
salt was once the symbol of purity and incorruptibility. It was also expensive.
Spilling such a precious commodity was calamitous; it may even have exposed
the perpetrator to evil forces, because the devil is repulsed by salt. In this case,
evil is averted quite simply by throwing a pinch of the spilt salt with the right
hand over the left shoulder. The reason for ‘left’ and ‘right’ here stem from old
associations: the left side is weak and bad while the right is strong and good.
Those among us who still engage in this sort of irrational behaviour don’t stop to
think about the original motivations for the ritual. There’s just a vague notion
that the act of spilling salt somehow brings bad luck – and we don’t tempt fate.
To an outsider, many prohibitions are perplexing and seem silly. But they
are among the common values that link the people of a community together.
What one group values, another scorns. Shared taboos are therefore a sign of
social cohesion. Moreover, as part of a wider belief system, they provide the
basis people need to function in an otherwise confused and hostile environ-
ment. The rites and rituals that accompany taboos give the feeling of control
over situations where ordinary mortals have little or none – such as death,
illness, bodily functions and even the weather in those communities that still
practice rain ceremonies. Mary Douglas’ anthropological study of ritual
pollution offers insights here.14 As she saw it, the distinction between clean-
liness and filth stems from the basic human need to structure experience and
render it understandable. That which is taboo threatens chaos and disorder.
There is no such thing as an absolute taboo
Nothing is taboo for all people, under all circumstances, for all time. There is
an endless list of behaviours ‘tabooed’ yet nonetheless practised at some time